Part 2: Modern Ethiopia: Ethnic Federalism & A Return to Division
Regrettably, Ethiopia has been experiencing a resurgence of division reminiscent of the Zemene Mesafint, primarily due to the ethnic federalism system instituted in 1991 during the rule of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). This system, intended to address historical injustices and grievances, has ushered in its own set of grave consequences. Article 39 of the Ethiopian Constitution states the right to self-determination for nations, nationalities, and peoples within the country. It’s one of the key elements of the ethnic federal system in Ethiopia.
According to the article, every nation, nationality, and people in Ethiopia has the unrestricted right to self-determination, including the right to secession. It means that any nation, nationality, or people within Ethiopia if they meet certain conditions, have the right to form their own autonomous government or even potentially secede from the Ethiopian state.
This approach has given rise to significant and far-reaching implications as it enshrines the principle of self-determination and provides the option of secession, a weighty and consequential feature that underscores the Constitution’s broader objective. It appears that the fundamental intent of this legal framework is not to foster a united Ethiopia, but rather to craft a nation marked by divisions and a gradual erosion of unity.
Surprisingly, the intricate web of blood relationships and shared heritage that binds Ethiopia’s diverse ethnic groups is a testament to their interconnected histories.
Despite their deep-seated connections and a rich tapestry of common experiences and traditions, Article 39 poses a challenge to this unified identity, fostering divisions in a nation that has long celebrated its glorious shared history and culture.
There are several countries that have adopted a form of ethnic federalism in their constitution or political structure, including Russia, South Africa, India, and Nepal.
It’s important to note that implementation challenges are complex and multifaceted, and the impact of ethnic federalism or similar systems varies over time and in response to specific political and social dynamics. While these countries have faced challenges, they have also made efforts to address them and promote unity and inclusivity.
It’s also important to note that Ethiopia’s implementation of this provision has been complex, and there have been various interpretations and debates about its application.
More importantly, no countries that adopted ethnic federalism have ever granted ethnic groups an explicit right to secede in their constitutions. Constitutions and political structures vary significantly from one country to another, and while some countries may have federal or devolved systems of government that recognise ethnic or regional diversity, the design of federal systems and the recognition of minority rights can differ widely, but the explicit right to secession is a unique aspect of Ethiopia’s Constitution.
One of the key repercussions of Article 39 has been the heightened emphasis on ethnic identity over national identity. The provision allows for a degree of autonomy that has encouraged the development of distinct ethnic-based political movements and parties. While the intention was to empower marginalised ethnic people and foster cultural preservation, the reality has resulted in a hyper-focus on ethnic divisions.
The misuse and exploitation of ethnic politics by some politicians have only exacerbated these divisions too. Rather than genuinely advocating for the well-being and interests of their respective ethnic communities, some have used the platform to further their personal agendas. Their purported concerns for their ethnic groups often ring hollow, resembling the actions of Judas Iscariot.
In a manner reminiscent of the Biblical figure Judas Iscariot, who appeared to show concern for the poor but had ulterior motives when he observed Mary anointing Jesus’s feet with costly perfume, certain politicians in Ethiopia follow a similar pattern. Judas Iscariot, a disciple of Jesus, pretended to care for the less fortunate by suggesting that the valuable perfume could have been sold to benefit the poor. However, his true intentions were not rooted in charity but in personal gain, as he intended to steal from the collection bag. Similarly, some Ethiopian politicians exploit the sentiment of ethnic pride to advance their own political and personal agendas, rather than genuinely working for the well-being of their respective ethnic communities. Their actions are driven by self-interest, not the welfare of their constituents.
The consequence of this exploitation is that it deepens divisions, fosters distrust, and hinders the development of a unified national identity. Instead of fostering a sense of collective responsibility and unity, it perpetuates a climate of political manoeuvring and opportunism.
Consider the recent case of the Donga tribe, which without having its own distinct geographical location or language, was unlawfully granted an ethnic identity status. Donga is one of the 150 tribes that constitute the Kembata ethnic people within the newly formed Central Ethiopia Regional State. This unlawful grant has become a source of tension and clash among the communities who have lived together for centuries.
This situation raises a thought-provoking scenario. If every tribe were to follow a similar path, what would be the fate of the Kembata ethnic people? The inevitable consequence would be the gradual erosion of their unique identity and existence.
Now, let’s expand this perspective to the larger canvas of Ethiopia. As each tribe seeks recognition as a distinct ethnic group and every ethnicity vie for autonomy and the status of an independent state, we must ponder the future of Ethiopia as a cohesive nation. Will Ethiopia continue to exist as a unified country as these dynamics evolve over time?
This scenario underscores the importance of critically examining the consequences of ethnic politics and the need for a more inclusive and unified approach in a diverse nation like Ethiopia. Unity should be the goal to ensure that Ethiopia’s rich tapestry of cultures and history can coexist harmoniously.
In order to overcome these challenges and foster a more inclusive and unified Ethiopia, it is critical to re-evaluate the role of Article 39 in the political landscape and to implement a more constructive and equitable approach to ethnic and national identity. This calls for responsible leadership that prioritises the interests of the people over personal gain, and a commitment to building a nation where all Ethiopians can thrive together.
In 2018, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed assumed office with a vision to heal the rifts caused by ethnic division and competition.
Although his unifying efforts have encountered resistance, Abiy possesses a more nuanced understanding of unity and a comprehensive unification concept compared to his imperial predecessors.
Let’s Briefly Compare Zemene Mesafint and Ethnic Federalism
While the Zemene Mesafint and contemporary Ethiopia under ethnic federalism are distinct historical epochs, they share certain similarities:
1. Decentralization of Power: Both eras witnessed the dispersal of authority, with local rulers or warlords assuming significant control over their respective regions.
2. Ethnic and Regional Factors: In both periods, ethnic and regional dynamics played pivotal roles, contributing to political fragmentation and instability.
3. Challenges to Central Authority: Both epochs witnessed a weakening of central authority, making the governance of a unified nation a daunting endeavour.
Stay with us as we delve deeper into the heart of this intricate narrative in the next and final part.
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